Document-based question

George C. Marshall, U.S. secretary of state, secret telegram to the U.S. embassy in Paris about the war in French Indochina, February 1947.

We have only very friendliest feelings toward France and we are anxious in every way we can to support France in her fight to regain her economic, political and military strength and to restore herself as in fact one of major powers of world. . . . At same time we cannot shut our eyes to fact that there are two sides this problem and that our reports indicate both a lack French understanding of other side (more in Saigon than in Paris) and continued existence dangerously outmoded colonial outlook and methods in area. Furthermore, there is no escape from fact that trend of times is to effect that colonial empires in XIX Century sense are rapidly becoming thing of past. . . . On other hand we do not lose sight fact that Ho Chi Minh has direct Communist connections and it should be obvious that we are not interested in seeing colonial empire administrations supplanted by philosophy and political organizations emanating from and controlled by Kremlin. . . . Frankly we have no solution of problem to suggest.

Charles Livengood, U.S. consul general in Batavia, Indonesia, secret telegram to the U.S. secretary of state reporting a conversation with Mohammad Hatta, prime minister of the Indonesian Republic, during the Republic's war of independence against the Netherlands, September 1948.

I told Prime Minister I cabled Department Republican communiqué on action against Communist uprising. I said while outbreak regretted, crisis gives Republican Government opportunity show determination suppress Communism. This should impress world at time when Netherlands Foreign Minister has stressed to us need for concerted action in Far East against Communism. . . . Hatta said that Moeso pledged support from Moscow. . . . Said Republic seriously needs police force material discussed with US attache and now ammunition and weapons for use against Communists. Said Dutch should not worry over Republic receiving such material for use against common Communist enemy. . . . Said Republican Government now has strong support of population against Communists but this would fade if Dutch crossed SQL (status quo line).

Allen Dulles, director of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, secret telegram to the CIA station in the newly independent Republic of the Congo, August 1960.

In high quarters here it is the clear-cut conclusion that if [Lumumba] continues to hold high office, the inevitable result will at best be chaos and at worst pave the way to Communist takeover of the Congo with disastrous consequences for the prestige of UN and for the interests of the free world generally. Consequently we conclude that his removal must be an urgent and prime objective and that under existing conditions this should be a high priority of our covert action. . . . Hence we wish to give you wider authority . . . including even more aggressive action if it can remain covert.

Kwame Nkrumah, president of Ghana, speech to the United Nations General Assembly, New York, September 1960.

The great tide of history flows, and as it flows it carries to the shores of reality the stubborn facts of life and men's relations one with another. One cardinal fact of our time is the momentous impact of Africa's awakening upon the modern world. The flowing tide of African nationalism sweeps everything before it and constitutes a challenge to the colonial Powers to make just restitution for the years of injustice and crime committed against our continent. . . . It is quite clear that a desperate attempt is being made to create confusion in the Congo, extend the cold war to Africa, and involve Africa in the suicidal quarrels of foreign Powers. The United Nations must not allow this to happen. We, for our part, will not allow it to happen. . . . The responsibility for keeping the cold war out of the Congo and, for that matter, out of Africa, rests equally on the United Nations.

Nikita Khrushchev, premier of the Soviet Union, draft declaration on ending colonialism submitted to the United Nations General Assembly, September 1960.

As is generally known, the States belonging to the military-colonialist North Atlantic bloc alone spend $62,000 million annually on the arms race. If even half of this sum that is spent annually for unproductive purposes that are dangerous to peace were used for the development and advancement of, for example, the African countries, gigantic engineering projects could be carried out . . . The liberated nations of Africa could build schools, universities, hospitals and roads everywhere . . . It was precisely the desire to prevent the liberation and the national development of the young States of Asia, Africa and Latin America that led to such armed conflicts and wars in the post-war period as those in Indonesia, Indo-China and Algeria, the aggression against Egypt, the foreign intervention in Lebanon and Jordan, the conspiracies against Syria and Iraq, and so forth. . . . And now the intervention against the Republic of the Congo has led to aggravation of the international situation and has jeopardized the cause of peace in Africa and, indeed, not only in Africa.

United Nations General Assembly, Resolution 1514, Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, sponsored by 43 African and Asian states and adopted by a vote of 89 to 0, with 9 abstentions including the United States, Britain, and France, December 1960.

Aware of the increasing conflicts resulting from the denial of or impediments in the way of the freedom of such peoples, which constitute a serious threat to world peace, . . . Solemnly proclaims the necessity of bringing to a speedy and unconditional end colonialism in all its forms and manifestations; . . . 1. The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation. 2. All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. 3. Inadequacy of political, economic, social or educational preparedness should never serve as a pretext for delaying independence. . . . 7. All States shall observe faithfully and strictly the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations . . . on the basis of equality, non-interference in the internal affairs of all States, and respect for the sovereign rights of all peoples and their territorial integrity.

Abbie Rowe, White House photographer, photograph of U.S. president John F. Kennedy and Ahmed Ben Bella, prime minister of newly independent Algeria, reviewing a U.S. military honor guard on the White House lawn, Washington, D.C., October 1962.