The changing goals of nationalism, 1815–1914

The confederated governments mutually pledge themselves to remove from the universities or other public educational institutions all teachers who, by obvious deviation from their duty, or by exceeding the limits of their functions, or by the abuse of their legitimate influence over the youthful minds, or by propagating harmful doctrines hostile to public order or subversive of existing governmental institutions, shall have unmistakably proved their unfitness for the important office intrusted to them. . . .

Those laws which have for a long period been directed against secret and unauthorized societies in the universities shall be strictly enforced. These laws apply especially to that association established some years since under the name Universal Students' Union (Allgemeine Burschenschaft), since the very conception of the society implies the utterly unallowable plan of permanent fellowship and constant communication between the various universities. . . .

So long as this decree shall remain in force no publication which appears in the form of daily issues, or as a serial not exceeding twenty sheets of printed matter, shall go to press in any state of the union without the previous knowledge and approval of the state officials.

Young Italy is a brotherhood of Italians who believe in a law of progress and duty, and are convinced that Italy is destined to become one nation. . . . They join this association with the firm intention of consecrating both thought and action to the great aim of reconstituting Italy as one independent sovereign nation of free men and equals. . . .

Young Italy is republican and unitarian,—republican, because theoretically every nation is destined, by the law of God and humanity, to form a free and equal community of brothers; and the republican government is the only form of government that insures this future: Because all true sovereignty resides essentially in the nation. . . .

The means by which Young Italy proposes to reach its aim are education and insurrection, to be adopted simultaneously and made to harmonize with each other.

I asked of the king not the complete independence of my beloved country—not even any new rights or privileges—but simply these three things: . . .

2. That every inhabitant of my country, without regarding language or religion, should be free and equal before the law,—all classes having the same privileges and protection from the law.

3. That all the people of the Austrian empire that acknowledged the same person as emperor whom we Hungarians recognized as king . . . should have restored to them their ancient constitutional rights. . . .

Before you I assert that the accusation that the Magyar race was unjust to the other races—by means of which a portion of the Servians, Wallachians, Slavonians, and Germans dwelling in Hungary was excited against us—is an impious slander. . . . In America people of different languages dwell, but who says that it is unjust for senators and representatives to use the English language in their debates, and to make it the official language of the government?

[Speech of September 1862:] Prussia must keep her strength intact for the favorable moment, which is too often missed. Prussia's boundaries are not favorable to the development of a strong body politic. Not through fine speeches and majority resolutions will the questions of the hour be decided—that was the mistake of 1848 and 1849—but by Iron and Blood. . . .

[Speech of January 1863:] If you [gentlemen of the Prussian lower House] had the right to determine by your own resolutions the total budget and its individual items; if you had the right to demand from his Majesty the dismissal of those ministers who do not have your confidence; if you had the right to determine by your resolutions relating to the budget, the organization of the army and duration of military service . . . then you would be in full possession of sovereignty in this country.

We are a people—One people.

We have honestly endeavoured everywhere to merge ourselves in the social life of surrounding communities, and to preserve only the faith of our fathers. It has not been permitted to us. In vain are we loyal patriots, our loyalty in some places running to extremes; in vain do we make the same sacrifices of life and property as our fellow citizens; in vain do we strive to increase the fame of our native land in science and art, or her wealth by trade and commerce. In countries where we have lived for centuries we are still cried down as strangers. . . .

. . . We are one people—our enemies have made us one in our despite, as repeatedly happens in history. Distress binds us together, and, thus united, we suddenly discover our strength. Yes, we are strong enough to form a State, and a model State.

In spite of the fact that we have no such fleet as we should have, we have conquered for ourselves a place in the sun. It will now be my task to see to it that this place in the sun shall remain our undisputed possession, in order that the sun's rays may fall fruitfully upon our activity and trade in foreign parts, that our industry and agriculture may develop within the state and our sailing sports upon the water, for our future lies upon the water. . . .

As head of the Empire I therefore rejoice over every citizen . . . who goes forth with this large outlook and seeks new points where we can drive in the nail on which to hang our armor.

By the will of our never-to-be-forgotten liberator and the great kindred Russian nation . . . on February 18, 1878, the chains were broken which had for so many centuries enslaved Bulgaria, once a great and glorious power. . . .

Practically independent, the nation was impeded in its normal and peaceful development by certain illusory and formal limitations which resulted in a coldness in the relations of Turkey and Bulgaria. . . . Inspired by the sacred purpose of satisfying national requirements and fulfilling national desires, I proclaim, with the blessing of the Almighty, Bulgaria, united since September 6, 1885, an independent kingdom.